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According to Vedas, the Hindu society is divided into four Varnas associated with particular social occupations; Brahmin (priest and teacher), Kshatriya (ruler and warrior) Vaishya (trader) and Sudra (servant). Untouchables, in fact, have no place in the varna system and are called ‘Chandalas’ or outcastes.
The ‘Caste’ does not have physical presence, it has no face, no shape, no colour, no life. There is no logic behind the ‘caste’. Still, it is thriving for the last 5,000 years or more. So far, there is no nation, community, and religion, institution that could escape its vicious grip. Yet it is invisible.
There are nearly 30 million people around the world who are being discriminated based on their descent and occupation. Descent and occupation discrimination exists in Bangladesh, Japan, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, some West African countries.
Origin of ‘Dalit’
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Dalit ’ is a Marathi word; originally used by the followers of Ambedkar, now one of the most common terms identifying Untouchables as a whole; sometimes used for oppressed people in general. It seems to have originated from Sanskrit. In 1831 dictionary, the word is defined as “ground” or “broken or reduced to pieces generally” ‘Dalit’ seems to have been used originally by 19th century reformer Phule. It became synonymous with Scheduled castes from the early 1970s. The Dalits today were addressed by different names.
late 19th century to 1930s - ‘Outcastes’ - ‘Depressed Castes’ - ‘Exterior Castes’
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1917 -‘Adi-Dravida / Adi-Karnataka /Adi-Andhra’ originally used by Untouchables to identify themselves.
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1933 - ‘Harijan’ ‘Harijan’, literally means people of God, used by Gandhi ji to identify Untouchables.
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1936 - Scheduled Castes by the Britishers.
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1970s - ‘Dalits’ used by Dalits to identify themselves.
Government of India identified and located 450 Scheduled Castes and 45 unlisted sub-groups in 1963-64.
Generations of Caste-based Discrimination
The origin of caste system and caste-based discrimination lies in the Hindu laws, which were authored by Manu. The utter discrimination and exclusion of Dalits can be understood from the gist of Hindu laws:
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That the Shudra was to take the last place in the social order.
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That the Shudra was impure and therefore no sacred act should be done within his sight and within his hearing.
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That the Shudra is not to be respected in the same way as the other classes
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That the life of Shudra is of no value and anybody may kill him without having to pay compensation and if at all of small value as compared with that of the Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaishya.
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That the Shudra must not acquire knowledge and it is a sin and a crime to give him education.
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That a Shudra must not acquire property. A Brahmin can take his property at his pleasure.
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That a Shudra can not hold office under the State
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That the duty and salvation of the Shudra lies in his serving the higher classes.
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That the higher classes must not inter-marry with the Shudra. They can however keep a Shudra woman as a concubine. But if the Shudra touches a woman of higher classes he will be liable to dire punishment.
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That the Shudra is born in servility and must be kept in servility forever.
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The remnants of their (Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaishya) must be given to him (Shudra), as well as, their old clothes, the refuse of their grain and their old household furniture.
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Near well-known trees and burial ground, on mountains and in groves, let these dwell, known (by certain marks), and subsisting by their peculiar occupations.
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But the dwelling of the Chandalas and Shwapakas shall be outside the village, they must be made Apapataras and their wealth (shall be) dogs and donkeys.
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Their dress (shall be) the garments of the dead, (they shall eat) their food from broken dishes, black iron (shall be) their ornaments, they must always wander from place to place.
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Their food shall be given to them by others (than an Aryan giver) in a broken dish; at night they shall not walk about in villages and in towns.
Impact of Caste-based Discrimination
As a result of these Hindu laws, more than 166.63 lakh Dalits are the most oppressed, exploited and neglected communities in India. In the Indian context, their human rights are violated more frequently than any other communities. Dalits are subjected to untouchability and atrocities due to caste-based discrimination. The Constitution of India provided several safeguards for the Dalits that include reservations in education & employment, special programmes and schemes for the economic development. Inspite of the 57 years of independence and nine five-year plans, we have 85.9% illiteracy among Dalit women 61.3 % illiteracy among Dalit men (Census 2001). This has been determining the fate of Dalits, whether it is their social-economic-political status in India.
Victims of Gross Human Rights violation
Social Rights
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Entry into non-Dalits’ houses, Hindu temples, and hotels is still prohibited.
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Dalits have to use separate cups/glasses for serving tea or water in hotels.
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Dalit children are to sit separately from non-Dalit children in school.
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Marriage between Dalits and other castes is not allowed.
Economic Rights
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Dalits are still not allowed into the shops owned by dominant castes.
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Physical-touch between Dalits and non-Dalits is avoided during money / article transfer in any transaction.
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Dominant castes don’t sell milk and milk products to Dalits nor buy from them.
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Inspite of Bonded Labour Act and Child Labour Act, Dalits are found to be working as bonded labourers and child labourers.
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Caste system is compelling Dalits to takeup occupations like manual scavenging, sanitation work, grave digging etc.,
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Religion is still forcing Dalit women in to prostitution in the name of ‘Devadasi, Jogini’
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Development/environment projects such as dams, wild-life sanctuaries, mining are displacing Dalits in large numbers and the rehabilitation packages are not compensatory.
Cultural Rights
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Dalit bride and bridegrooms cannot pass through dominant caste localities during the marriage ceremony.
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Brahmin priests refuse to perform marriage, death and other ceremonies of Dalits.
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Inter-caste marriages are still prohibited.
Political Rights
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Dalits still not allowed exercising their voting rights.
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Dominant castes decide / dictate who should contest elections in reserved constituencies.
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Elected candidates from Dalits still not allowed to exercise their powers as Panchayat Presidents or Panchayat Ward Members.
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Dominant castes resort to arson, killing social & economic boycott if Dalits try to assert their political rights.
Dalits’ Profile
Poverty: People below the poverty line among SCs1 (49.48% urban areas and 48.11% in rural areas) is much higher than that of the average Indian population (37.27% in urban areas and 32.36% in rural areas).2
Income: The income levels disaggregated by social group suggest that both the total household and the per capita incomes levels are least for the SCs. SCs have a total household income of Rs. 17,465, a mere 68% of the national average, and a per capita income of Rs. 3,237, 72% of the national average.3
Wages: The share of income derived from wage labour (both agriculture and non-agriculture) is highest among SCs (at about 33%)
Land ownership: SCs own the least land among the groups surveyed (only 47%), reporting an average holding of only 2.8 acres. The land ownership pattern seems to confirm the historical and domiciliary or residential patterns that affect specific caste groups in India.4
Housing: The village development index is also associated with the percentage of kutcha houses (low cost house often made from a mixture of mud and tin). Over 70% of landless labourers live in Kutcha houses, as do a majority of both SCs and STs (74% and 67% respectively)5.
Basic Amenities: SCs are considerably more disadvantaged when compared with all other social groups in regards to ownership of and accessibility to amenities such as an electricity connection, piped water, and toilets.
Dependency ratio and poverty: The dependency ratios are very low among SC landless wage earners. The decline in dependency may be attributed to the higher participation of females from these groups in employment and income-earning activities. This apparent paradox supports the hypothesis that many among the marginal groups are at the risk of economic stress resulting in a higher level participation in the workforce as a coping mechanism. The evidence also suggests that low economic dependency among the low income and vulnerable population groups is the result of poverty
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Participation in wage earning activities: is higher among SCs (58%)7 . The SCc are mainly landless (69.6%) with little control over resources such as land, forest, and water. There has been a marked rise in the number of agricultural labourers (49.1%), casual labourers (72%), industrial labourers (17.3%), plantation labour (6.1%), and fishing labour
(92.5%)8.
Child labour:
Child labour exists in 58.7% of the SCs communities9 .
Social groups and literacy: SCs recorded a literacy level of about 40% in comparison to the national Indian average of 54%10 . Gender disparity in terms of literacy is high among both SCs11 . The school drop-out rates are substantially higher among the lower income groups, landless wage earners, females, SCs12 . SCs have lower levels of literacy, especially at the level of matriculation and above; for example, only about 5% of girls among these communities complete matriculation13.
Undernourishment and infant mortality: 57.5% SC children under the age of 4 were undernourished in 1992 while the infant mortality rate among SCs was 91 per 1000 live births .
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